Israel is different now than when it was founded. And, not so different.
Many of the Jewish immigrants to then Palestine were young lower middle class idealists from Russia. They were influenced by the initial Russian social uprising in 1905, followed by pogroms blaming the uprising on Jews, as a large proportion of the uprising leaders were Jewish.
That communicated the common Zionist theme that revolutionary social change promoted by Marxist and other radicals would not yeild a society in which Jews could be Jews, whether guided by religious or socialist values.
So, many of the young Russian Jewish radicals left. They came to then Palestine, and with the help of some outside funding for settlement building, they experimented. The world was new there. The old religious shtetl world would pass. The exploitative capitalist norms would pass. The suppressive right-wing Russian anti-semitic nationalist norms would pass. Those Russian and Ukranian Jews that sought opportunity went to the United States. Those that sought new world ideals to determinedly put into practice, moved to Palestine.
The experiments varied. Some were almost reminiscent of new age American communes (like one I lived in), emphasizing new consciousness more than new economics. Some of those were entirely collectivist, with the only intimacy being erotic, everything else public and social.
Other kibbutzim were guided more by Marxist ideology emphasizing intentionally changing economic class relations entirely, nothing personal.
The common theme of all kibbutzim was of the liberating and culturally reviving effect of agricultural labor.
Other immigrants chose to move to cities, emphasizing more classical Marxist thinking that the revolution could only transpire from the liberation of the industrial proletariat (workers), not agricultural peasantry, not utopian.
One or another socialist approach dominated early Zionist population. Roughly 3/4 of the yishuv (population of recent Zionist immigrants) regarded themselves as socialist in some flavor.
Zionist society illustrated the old Jewish maxim of “put 10 Jews in a room, you’ll have 15 different radically contending opinions”. The society was harshly and often viciously partisan, defined by more ideological configurations than I can conceive of, each mutually exclusive in some key way.
Its actually to be expected. Then Palestine was considered a blank slate, a truly new world. The majority of new immigrants were young, extremely energetic, idealistic, not married and without children. A real youth culture, reminiscent of the American 60’s.
They were determined. They had conviction.
Over time, the idealism of the kibbutzim dissolved into more practical attitudes. The kibbutzim still varied greatly in ideology and flavor, but they commonly shifted to a role of key institution for nation-building, more than idealistic social experiment with latitude for failure and waste.
Kibbutz members came to share like armies share, more than like free-love hippies shared.
There was a Jewish far left in Palestine that sought to organize the workers of the world into “one big union”, but the Arab workers were described as resenting the European Marxist intrusion, as much (or more) as they resented the European Zionist intrusion.
The Communist Party was anti-Zionist. Over time the Jewish Palestinian communist party experienced the same quandries as the American communist party, particularly confused by the policies and actions of the Stalinist regime and the subordination of local organizing needs to the international movement and its frequent Orwellian flips in political correctness.
Early, the labor Zionists sought some reconciliation with local Arabs, including proposals for joint nationalist cooperation, and proposals for bi-national state (Zionist and Arab relative to imperial powers).
Also early, Zionists came to conclude that the local Arabs were far more conservative politically than the idealistic young European labor Zionists, and that common cause would be difficult. They were not actively seeking an integrated socialist ideal. Those few Arabs that were socialist, were committed to socialism for the prior working and peasant Arab classes, not the confusion of new and domineering European residual ideologs.
The external Arab influences also were conservative, either religious, or seeking to preserve prior family privileges, but in a national form rather than tribal.
The claims by the modern far left, that Zionists never sought to reconcile or find common cause with Arabs is false. In fact, the continuing Zionist overtures were rebuffed and often violently, not all that different than currently, and applying similar logic.
Among Zionists were far right-wing neo-fascists, revisionists, under the leadership of Jabotinsky, founder of the Etzel terror movement, and ideological and personal mentor of the modern likud party.
It was impossible for Arabs to tell if Zionists sought peer residence, or dominance or outright exclusion. The youthful immodesty of the labor and kibbutz Zionists offended many of the religious. The insensitivity of Zionist leadership to the effects of policies on local Arab communities offended many. And, the legal conflicts over what “ownership of land” entailed, offended many.
So, like today, there were Arabs that were willing to reconcile with their like, but not the movement as a whole. The religious Muslims most often co-existed respectfully with similarly modest and conservative religious Jews. The nationalist Arabs didn’t though, resulting in the 1920, 1929 and 1936-39 Arab riots.
And, the Jabotinsky factions upped the ante, by first intensely defensive para-military operations (vicious treatment of Arab raiders), to anticipatory offensive para-military.
Same as now.